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June 18, 2001, U.S.
Edition

Holing Up Inside
Fortress Europe
The problem
with the Atlantic alliance isn't our swagger. It's their self-absorption.
By
Fareed Zakaria
There's
trouble across the Atlantic. The New York Times reported from London
that the president's "criticism of America's allies stirred bewilderment
and bitterness in European capitals today with the sharpest reaction coming
from France." The Christian Science Monitor has noted the rise
of anti-Americanism in Europe, "the subject of a major conference held
in Berlin by the Aspen Institute with West German, American, British,
Dutch, French, and Swedish participants." Another Times article
datelined Paris points out that Europeans "who see the United States as
an unreliable, bellicose, immoral ally have found seemingly perfect justification."
Is this a new low in our relations with Europe?
Well, compared
with when? March 16, 1974, when the first article I quoted was published?
Or July 15, 1981, the date of the second? Or October 30, 1983, when the
third appeared? The Atlantic alliance has produced anguished hand-wringing
since its inception. With a new administration in Washington comes a new
season of lament. The Aspen Institute is holding a conference this summer
on, what else, the troubled European-American relationship. (Hey, I'm
not complaining. I'll be there.)
Actually,
this time there are reasons to worry. For one, life just isn't the same
without a common enemy to unite us. A deeper shift is that Europeans and
Americans have increasingly different attitudes on all kinds of fundamental
issues, from globalization to the environment to technology. And the Bush
administration has been needlessly provocative in its first months in
office. But the greatest threat to the Atlantic alliance today comes not
from American unilateralism but rather European disarray and resentment.
American
foreign policy has always been somewhat unilateral. (It is part of the
reality of being a global superpower.) And Europe's outrage over policies
like the Bay of Pigs, Vietnam, the Reagan buildup, Grenada and Nicaragua
make present complaints seem trivial. But what's new is that over the
past decade Europe has been coming together in union. This process--important
and heroic on its own terms--has been a disaster for its foreign policy,
particularly its relations with America.
Ironically,
while European nations criticize America for isolationism, they have become
entirely absorbed in their own affairs over the past decade. Where their
leaders once strode comfortably on the world stage--think of Adenauer,
De Gaulle, Schmidt, Kohl and Thatcher--they have been replaced by men
and women with narrow horizons. Their foreign ministers spend most of
their working hours pouring over the minutia of new EU initiatives.
Consider
defense policy. Having pledged to strengthen its forces and create a new
all-European Rapid Reaction Force, European governments continue to slash
spending, now spiraling down at a rate of 5 percent a year. In America
this ornithological combination is called a chicken-hawk.
Europe
often criticizes the United States for shooting from the hip. But what
to make of the EU's recent mission to North Korea, undertaken without
consultations with Washington and designed solely to embarrass it? When
we do it, it's unilateralism. When they do it, it's diplomacy.
Usually
bad diplomacy. The search for a common foreign policy means that most
of the time you get paralysis coupled with copious expressions of banality.
Former U.N. ambassador Richard Holbrooke, who is deeply pro-European,
describes his utter frustration in dealing with the European Union. "There
are meetings, 10 hours long, about where the next meeting should be. There
is ceaseless competition between dozens of agencies... The noble idealism
of the architects of a united Europe has turned into the triumph of bureaucrats."
Just linger
(if you can stand it) over a photo op of European diplomacy to understand
Holbrooke's point. The EU is usually represented by its commissioner for
External Relations, its high representative for Common Security and Foreign
Policy, another relevant EU official (Trade, Agriculture, whatever), the
current president of the EU and often the past or future presidents as
well--since they change every six months! It must be like negotiating
on a merry-go-round.
The greatest
danger to Atlantic relations, however, is not that of European incompetence.
It is of a default anti-Americanism. To the extent that Europe does widen
its horizons and play a world role, it is increasingly defining its foreign
policy simply by being different from--and opposed to--America. On issue
after issue it seems to search for a way that it can differentiate itself
from Washington rather than recognize the vast similarities in interests
and outlook.
If this
tendency were to continue unabated, it could mean the end of the Atlantic
alliance. It would also be tragic for Europe if its nations could find
common ground only in their shared resentment about living in an American-dominated
world. It is an ambition unworthy of a great continent, a great culture,
and a still-vital partner of the United States.
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