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October 28, 2002,
U.S. Edition

Don't Feed
the Fundamentalists
While
the administration has a coherent military strategy, it does not have
a political one. On that front, the war on terror is failing.
By
Fareed Zakaria
Last
week George Tenet warned us that Al Qaeda is armed and dangerous. He pointed
to the series of threats and attacks around the world--from Kuwait to
Yemen to Bali--as evidence that the organization is rejuvenated and in
the "execution phase." One has to take Tenet's warning very seriously,
and yet the recent episodes of terrorism can be interpreted differently.
Consider the two major "successes," the bombing of a French oil tanker
off the coast of Yemen and the explosions in Bali. In both cases Al Qaeda--or
groups inspired by it--went after non-American targets, and relatively
easy-to-hit ones at that. For the past decade Al Qaeda's chief objective
has been to attack major symbols of American power--military, political
and economic. It bombed embassies, naval vessels and, of course, the World
Trade Center. But since 9-11, with the exception of the recent killing
of a soldier in Kuwait, it has not been able to hit America. Also, look
at where it struck. In Yemen, Al Qaeda has deep connections; in Indonesia,
it is exploiting a weak and unstable country and government.
The terror attacks
in Yemen and Indonesia will also result in much greater antiterror vigilance
and cooperation from France, Australia and Indonesia. Osama bin Laden's
strategy should have been to divide America from its allies in the war
on terror. His past rhetoric and actions have recognized this. But this
latest series of scattered attacks is forging a more united coalition.
It's always dangerous to make claims about Al Qaeda. It is certainly trying
to do America harm--and it will certainly strike again. But before September
11 Al Qaeda was doing what it wanted to; now it is doing what it can.
The war on terror
has had an effect. The destruction of Al Qaeda's base camps in Afghanistan,
the detention of suspects across the world, the scrutiny of bank accounts--all
this has made mass terror more difficult. But while the administration
has a coherent military strategy in place, it does not have a similar
political one. And on that crucial front, the war on terror is failing.
Two weeks ago Pakistan
held national elections, and Muslim fundamentalists did well. This event
did not get the attention it deserved. Islamic politics is not a new phenomenon
in Pakistan. Voters have gotten used to listening to fiery fundamentalists
promising purity and delivering nothing. And yet over half a century of
intermittent elections in Pakistan, the fundamentalists never received
more than 5 percent of the national vote. This month they got nearly 25
percent.
I asked a Pakistani
politician who took part in this election for an explanation. "America
became a huge issue in the election," he said. "The fundamentalists were
voted in to protest Musharraf's alliance with America. For those like
me who advocate reform and close ties with America, the atmosphere is
now very bad. People watch this [Bush] administration--its arrogance,
its bullying, its double standards on the Israel-Palestine issue--and
they conclude, America is anti-Muslim."
America has become
the big issue across the globe, but particularly in the Islamic world.
Pro-American forces are fearful and quiet. This is partly why Indonesia's
government did not want to take tough actions to crack down on Muslim
fundamentalists. It is why not a single Arab regime--including many that
hate Saddam Hussein--will publicly back the American campaign against
Iraq. Doing what America wants is seen as carrying out orders from an
imperious superpower.
This is not simply
a public-relations problem for Washington. Pakistan could stymie crucial
efforts to flush Al Qaeda out of provinces along its Afghan border--provinces
that are now run locally by Islamic fundamentalists. Scientists in its
large nuclear establishment--some of whom were sympathetic to the Taliban--could
leak know-how and materials to Al Qaeda. Indonesia could become a haven
for terror--which, given its size and geography, would be a nightmare.
And throughout the Muslim world, the growing anti-Americanism only makes
it easier to recruit young men for suicide missions.
During the cold
war, the United States had two approaches to confronting Soviet communism,
military and political. The first involved nuclear weapons, proxy wars
and covert action. The second was a concerted effort to build alliances
with countries that had a common cause, foster trade and provide aid to
Third World countries that eschewed communism. America built dams, funded
magazines and created the Peace Corps all as part of this effort.
In the war against
terror, we are doing well with military strategy. But it will count for
little without an effective political strategy. Otherwise we will kill
fundamentalists but feed fundamentalism.
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