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November 11, 2002,
U.S. Edition

No White Hats
in Moscow
If, as Fleischer says, terror against civilians is the yardstick, what
does the White House call the actions of the Russian Army in Chechnya?
By
Fareed Zakaria
Thank
goodness for moral clarity. President Bush's black-and-white picture of
the war on terror has apparently made sense of Russia's complicated struggle
with the Chechens. The White House offered its wholehearted support to
President Vladimir Putin in the aftermath of the Moscow theater siege,
despite accounts of a heavy-handed Russian operation that had little regard
for the lives of the hostages or the terrorists. (The latter were shot
dead despite being un-conscious.) But that's all understandable. Russia
is, after all, fighting terrorism.
Bush's spokesman,
Ari Fleischer, revealed that "the president's first reaction [to the events
in Russia] is sorrow that other nations around the world are being victimized
by terrorists." The notion of Moscow as victim in this conflict is strange.
To review the history briefly: The Chechens were forced into the Russian
Empire in 1862, after 45 years of bloody resistance. They were granted
independence in 1918, but in 1920 the Soviet Union invaded the country
again and brutally suppressed periodic revolts. In 1944 Joseph Stalin
applied a Stalinist solution to the Chechnya problem. He deported most
of its inhabitants to Siberia--more than half a million--and burned their
villages to the ground. (Stalin's successor, Nikita Khrushchev, allowed
the survivors to return to their lands in the late 1950s.)
In 1990, as the
Soviet Union was breaking up, a national conference of all Chechen political
groups declared independence. Russia refused to recognize it and in 1994
launched the first Chechen war. After two bloody years Moscow was unable
to win and signed a peace treaty with the Chechens. In 1999 Russia reinvaded
Chechnya, and since then has had 100,000 troops in this republic, the
size of Vermont.
When asked whether
Russia's actions might also be to blame, Ari Fleischer disagreed vigorously:
"Your question supposes that the Russians are to blame for the terrorists'
taking Russian citizens hostage. And the president does not share that...
The people who shoulder the burden and the blame are the terrorists. And
there is no excuse around the world in any region for people resorting
to terror against innocent civilians..."
If terror against
civilians is the yardstick, what does the White House call the actions
of the Russian Army in Chechnya? Over the course of the last decade, it
has killed an estimated 100,000 civilians--almost 10 percent of the prewar
population--displaced over 200,000 and turned more than a quarter of the
tiny republic into an ecological wasteland.
Memorial, a Russian
human-rights organization, has documented how Russian troops have terrorized
the village of Tsotsin Yurt during the last two years, driving half its
population away. Over the course of 40 raids, Russian troops have rounded
up the young men and demanded ransoms. "Those who could not pay were taken
to the village outskirts, where they were beaten and tortured with electricity
for several hours. Wires were attached to penises," Memorial writes. After
taking these men, Russian troops raped and sodomized most of their wives.
Almost a hundred men are still missing. This is just one example among
thousands that have been documented.
The Chechens are
no angels. They have been ruthless warriors for their cause, utterly unable
to form a stable government, and have indeed resorted to terror. But Russia's
actions have helped turn them into terrorists. Russia has destroyed Chechnya
as a place, as a polity and as a society. Chechnya is now a wasteland,
populated by marauding gangs. No leader can control the increasingly radicalized
and lawless youth, such as those who took over the Moscow theater. Putin
has spoken of Al Qaeda's presence in Chechnya, but none existed until
recently when Chechens, devastated by the Russian onslaught, took help
from wherever they could get it. As things got worse, the Chechens got
desperate, and increasingly their political conflict is taking on a religious
dimension. This pattern recurs in other cases; violent repression creates
extreme opposition.
The lesson to be
drawn is that there is no moral clarity here. Terrorism is bad, but those
fighting terror can be very nasty, too. And the manner in which they fight
can make things much, much worse. It is a lesson we had better learn fast
because from Egypt to Pakistan to Indonesia, governments around the world
are heightening their repression and then selling it to Washington as
part of the war on terror. Russian officials called the Chechen fighters
"rebels" or "bandits" until recently. Now they are all "international
Islamic terrorists."
As a candidate,
George W. Bush was asked by Larry King what he thought of Russia's actions
in Chechnya. "Not acceptable," replied Bush. "And that's why we need to
cut off foreign--the aid to Russia." "Now?" King asked. "Yes, absolutely,"
Bush insisted, adding, "The nations of the free world [must] condemn the--you
know, the killing of innocent women and children."
Now, that's moral
clarity.
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